A contentious constitutional amendment reserving legislative seats for women has become a litmus test for political bravery as Nigeria’s National Assembly approaches a final vote. Beyond gender fairness, supporters claim that if the law is not passed, Nigeria could lose out on an estimated $269 billion in economic benefits and worsen its democratic deficit.
Nigeria is on the brink of yet another pivotal moment in the quiet hallways of the National Assembly, where agreements are discussed in whispers and history is frequently determined by delay. Now in the crucial third reading stage, the Reserved Seats for Women Bill has evolved from a proposal to promote gender equality into a high-stakes test of Nigeria’s political sincerity, economic acumen, and democratic maturity.
Discussions about women’s political inclusion were written off for years as romantic or culturally awkward. But now the debate has statistics, dates, and a clear sense of urgency.
Advocates of the law cite data showing that increasing women’s engagement in formal education, governance, and the economy may generate more than $269 billion in additional GDP over the next ten years.
Lawmakers are now debating whether Nigeria can afford to keep women out of the spotlight rather than whether they should be included.
Chief Osasu Igbinedion-Ogwuche, CEO of TOS Group and coordinator of the coalition supporting the bill, has once again led the push.
“This bill cannot be operationalized for the 2027 general elections if it does not scale through in February 2026,” she stated plainly when speaking to reporters in Abuja last week. And if that occurs, 50% of Nigerians will essentially be sidelined for an additional four years.
Nigeria’s statistics are startling and more and more unacceptable. Despite making up over half of the population, women only hold 4% of the seats in the National Assembly, which includes 4 out of 109 senators and 16 out of 360 members of the House of Representatives.
The situation is worse at the subnational level: 16 states have zero female representation, and there are 51 women out of 993 lawmakers in 36 State Houses of Assembly. As a terrible irony, campaigners frequently point out that a man chairs the state’s women’s issues committee.
Nigeria has the lowest representation of women in parliament in Africa when compared to continental standards. Rwanda’s quota-based system has raised female representation above 60%, while the continental average is between 23 and 27%.
It is a stark contrast for a nation that calls itself the “Giant of Africa.”
The purposeful rebranding of the law as an economic and governance reform rather than a social compromise is what has changed the tone of the debate. Igbinedion-Ogwuche contends that inclusive government is closely related to better development outcomes, citing research from the World Bank, the UN, and McKinsey.
“A 2024 report by the Mastercard Foundation and McKinsey further estimates that increasing young women’s participation in Africa’s formal workforce could add $287 billion to the continent’s GDP by 2030,” she said.
“This is about national competitiveness, productivity, and human capital,” she stated. The socioeconomic benefits are evident. We can’t talk about progress while keeping women out of decision-making processes.
Advocacy Lead at TOS Group Andikah Umoh, who provided legal and policy framing, characterized the bill as a democratic correction as opposed to an empowering program.
According to her, “Women’s representation is linked to stronger social policy outcomes, higher investments in social protection, health, and education.” Additionally, it is associated with reduced corruption and more cooperative policy-making. Legitimacy is absent from a legislature that excludes half of the populace.
The Reserved Seats for Women Bill calls for the introduction of 108 seats in State Houses of Assembly and 74 new seats in the National Assembly. These seats would be filled through competitive elections between female candidates nominated by political parties. Advocates are adamant that no one is guaranteed office under the plan.
“Tokenism is not what this is.” We don’t have an appointment. Igbinedion-Ogwuche emphasized again and again that it is not a handout.
“These roles are elective. Women will compete with one another, the APC, PDP, and other parties would all bring candidates, she clarified.
The bill is intended to combat long-standing obstacles that have made Nigerian politics one of the most inhospitable environments for women: the weaponization of religion, hefty nomination fees, informal gatekeeping by male power brokers, political violence, and cultural expectations.
Advocates contend that numerous women with resources, education, and political aspirations have been routinely excluded well in advance of the election.
Nigeria has attempted to enact legislation promoting inclusivity before. In the 8th Assembly, the Gender and Equal Opportunities Bill failed due to allegations that it went against cultural and religious values.
Despite support from the legislative leadership at the time, a revised attempt in the 9th Assembly similarly failed. These losses turned into lessons learned.
Proponents of the current measure started an unprecedented consultation process because they were determined not to repeat the past.
To interact with communities directly, the coalition set up coordinators at the ward, state, municipal, and geopolitical levels during the previous year. Legislators from all six geopolitical zones participated in closed-door caucus meetings where the opposition was faced head-on rather than sidelined.
Some lawmakers were open and honest. According to Igbinedion-Ogwuche, “some openly told us that they did not believe there should be any women in parliament at all.” We then inquired as to what it would take for them to reconsider.
Igbinedion-Ogwuche claims that religion, which was before mentioned as a barrier, turned into a focal point.
“TOS Foundation Africa partnered with the Sultan of Sokoto, Nigeria’s highest Islamic authority, to organize a symposium that brought together lawmakers, clerics, and political stakeholders on the International Day of the Girl Child in October last year,” she stated.
The Sultan’s support for the law, she clarified, became crucial. He maintained that it was a distortion of faith to use religion as an excuse for exclusion and that women have traditionally occupied leadership positions in Islamic cultures.
According to her, snippets of his comments were then broadcast on major radio and television networks, specifically focusing on areas where religious opposition had been most pronounced.
“High-level political endorsements quickly followed,” she said.
“The President publicly announced his support in December 2025,” Igbinedion-Ogwuche stated. The Senate president, the speaker of the house, the deputy speaker, the vice president, and the president’s chief of staff all attended a strategic discussion called by the first lady at the presidential villa.
“The Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives became the bill’s sponsor, and more than 50 senators promised support.
“Ahead of the state-level ratification process, the alliance also obtained guarantees of support from governors and a formal partnership with the Governors’ Spouses Forum.
But there’s anxiety behind the momentum.” Advocates are well aware that Nigeria’s legislative history is replete with proposals that were endorsed by elites but silently perished during the vote process.
“Assurances by themselves are insufficient since computerized voting protects individual decisions from instantaneous public examination.
The group established the 469 Tracker, a monitoring tool that documents and disseminates each member of the National Assembly’s declared positions, in response to this. The goal is straightforward: make reversing course politically costly.
She claims that the media has been determined to be the last point of pressure. Kingsley Sintim, Managing Director of TOS Group, made a call for consistent coverage during a high-level conference with editors and bureau directors.
“Mindsets don’t change overnight,” he declared. Repetition is required. It needs to be seen. Storytelling that is human-centered is necessary. What legislators prioritize and what they fear is shaped by the media.
Particularly in areas where resistance is still strong, radio outreach, TV discussions, and social media amplification have increased.
In order to emphasize that support for the law is a reflection of popular opinion rather than elite lobbying, constituents are being urged to give their MPs a direct call.
But time is cruel.
In order to be ratified by two-thirds of State Houses of Assembly prior to the 2027 election cycle, constitutional revisions must pass the National Assembly early enough. Delays past February run the possibility of delaying implementation until 2031, so undoing years of campaigning.
Delays can be just as deadly as rejection. The ramifications are significant for the 10th National Assembly. Nigeria would be positioned as a late but serious reformer if it passed, marking a historic departure from decades of exclusion.
Failure would solidify its standing as a Congress that is incapable or unwilling to address systemic inequity, even when the financial consequences are obvious.
Without them at the table, we are unable to enact laws on their behalf. Democracy, progress, and dignity are at stake here. Lawmakers have a straightforward decision to make: will we advance Nigeria or will we make the same mistakes again for future generations?
Nigeria is waiting for evidence that its politics can finally match its potential as the election draws near, not merely for a bill to pass.
Since the federal parliamentarians started plenary on January 27, numerous women’s advocacy organizations have descended upon the National Assembly building, either to mobilize the parliament leadership to support the bill or to protest the alleged delay in the adoption of the crucial legislation.
Advocacy groups are already seriously concerned about whether the legislators’ engagement with the federal government’s various ministries, departments, and agencies, which will start this week on the 2026 national budget, which is scheduled for passage in the second week of March, will give them enough time for the bill.
This is because the Senate is anticipated to follow suit after voting on the controversial parts of the 2022 Electoral Act modifications bill this week, while the House of Representatives had already suspended plenary to allow the green chamber to attend to the money measure.
